William Howard Russell (1827--1907) was an Irish reporter for the Times
of London, and made a name for himself covering a variety of military
conflicts, beginning with the Crimean War (1853--56) and the Indian
Mutiny of 1857. With the election of Lincoln and the beginning of
secession, Russell decided to visit the United States, leaving Cork on
the evening of March 3, and arriving in New York City on March
16. The resulting publication from this trip, My Diary North and South,
covers only into the fall of 1862---Russell's Introduction is dated
December 8, 1862, and was written in London---but it is an important
perspective on the early parts of the war, especially the secession
winter and spring, which is why I have included these entries as part
of the Fort Sumter Chronology. After leaving Washington on April 12, Russell arrived in Charleston late on the 16th, and on the 17th, as described here, Russell spent the day visiting some of the Confederate batteries and Fort Sumter itself. |
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There was a large crowd around
the pier staring at the men in uniform on the boat, which was filled with bales
of goods, commissariat stores, trusses of hay, and hampers, supplies for the
volunteer army on Morris’ Island. I was
amused by the names of the various corps, “Tigers,” “Lions,” “Scorpions,” “Palmetto
Eagles,” “Guards,” of Pickens, Sumter, Marion, and of various other
denominations, painted on the boxes. The
original formation of these volunteers is in companies, and they know nothing
of battalions or regiments. The tendency
in volunteer outbursts is sometimes to gratify the greatest vanity of the
greatest number. These companies do not
muster more than fifty or sixty strong. Some
were “dandies,” and “swells,” and affected to look down on their neighbours and
comrades. Major Whiting told me there
was difficulty in getting them to obey orders at first, as each man had an idea
that he was as good an engineer as any body else, “and a good deal better, if
it came to that.” It was easy to
perceive it was the old story of volunteer and regular in this little army. As we got on deck, the major saw a number of
rough, long-haired-looking fellows in coarse gray tunics, with pewter buttons
and worsted braid lying on the haybales smoking their cigars. “Gentlemen,” quoth he, very courteously, “You'll
oblige me by not smoking over the hay. There’s
powder below.” “I don’t believe we're
going to burn the hay this time, kernel,” was the reply, “and anyway, we’ll put
it out afore it reaches the ‘bustibles,’” and they went on smoking. The major grumbled, and worse, and drew off. Among the passengers were some brethren of
mine belonging to the New York and local papers. I saw a short time afterwards a description
of the trip by one of these gentlemen, in which he described it as an affair
got up specially for himself, probably in order to avenge himself on his
military persecutors, for he had complained to me the evening before, that the
chief of General Beauregard’s staff told him to go to ——, when he applied at
head-quarters for some information. I
found from the tone and looks of my friends, that these literary gentlemen were
received with great disfavour, and Major Whiting, who is a bibliomaniac, and
has a very great liking for the best English writers, could not conceal his
repugnance and antipathy to my unfortunate confreres. “If I had my way, I would fling them into the
water; but the General has given them orders to come on board. It is these fellows who have brought all this
trouble on our country.” The traces of dislike of the freedom of the
press, which I, to my astonishment, discovered in the North, are broader and
deeper in the South, and they are not accompanied by the signs of dread of its
power which exist in New York, where men speak of the chiefs of the most
notorious journals very much as people in Italian cities of past time might
have talked of the most infamous bravo or the chief of some band of assassins. Whiting comforted himself by the reflection
that they would soon have their fingers in a vice, and then pulling out a
ragged little sheet, turned suddenly on the representative thereof, and
proceeded to give the most unqualified contradiction to most of the statements contained
in “the full and accurate particulars of the Bombardment and Fall of Fort
Sumter,” in the said journal, which the person in question listened to with becoming
meekness and contrition. “If I knew who wrote
it,” said the major, “I’d make him eat it.” I was presented to many judges, colonels, and
others of the mass of society on board, and, “after compliments,” as the
Orientals say, I was generally asked, in the first place, what I thought of the
capture of Sumter, and in the second, what England would do when the news
reached the other side. Already the
Carolinians regard the Northern States as an alien and detested enemy, and
entertain, or profess, an immense affection for Great Britain. When we had shipped all our passengers, nine-tenths
of them in uniform, and a larger proportion engaged in chewing, the whistle
blew, and the steamer sidled off from the quay into the yellowish muddy water
of the Ashley River, which is a creek from the sea, with a streamlet running
into the head waters some distance up. The shore opposite Charleston is more than a
mile distant, and is low and sandy, covered here and there with patches of
brilliant vegetation, and long lines of trees.
It is cut up with creeks, which divide it into islands, so that passages
out to sea exist between some of them for light craft, though the navigation is
perplexed and difficult. The city lies
on a spur or promontory between the Ashley and the Cooper rivers, and the land
behind it is divided in the same manner by similar creeks, and is sandy and
light, bearing, nevertheless, very fine crops, and trees of magnificent vegetation. The steeples, the domes of public buildings, the
rows of massive warehouses and cotton stores on the wharfs, and the bright
colours of the houses, render the appearance of Charleston, as seen from the river
front, rather imposing, From the mastheads of the few large vessels in harbour
floated the Confederate flag. Looking to
our right, the same standard was visible, waving on the low, white parapets of
the earthworks which had been engaged in reducing Sumter. That much-talked-of fortress lay some two
miles ahead of us now, rising up out of the water near the middle of the
passage out to sea between James’ Island and Sullivan’s Island. It struck me at first as being like one of
the smaller forts off Cronstadt, but a closer inspection very much diminished
its importance; the material is brick, not stone, and the size of the place is
exaggerated by the low back ground, and by contrast with the sea-line. The land contracts on both sides opposite the
fort, a projection of Morris' Island, called “Cumming’s point,” running out on
the left. There is a similar promontory from
Sullivan’s Island, on which is erected Fort Moultrie, on the right from the sea
entrance. Castle Pinckney, which stands
on a small island at the exit of the Cooper River, is a place of no importance,
and it was too far from Sumter to take any share in the bombardment: the same
remarks apply to Fort Johnson on James’ Island, on the right bank of the Ashley
River below Charleston. The works which
did the mischief were the batteries of sand on Morris’ Island, at Cumming’s
Point, and Fort Moultrie. The floating
battery, covered with railroad-iron, lay a long way off, and could not have
contributed much to the result. As we approached Morris’ Island, which is an accumulation
of sand covered with mounds of the same material, on which there is a scanty
vegetation alternating with salt-water marshes, we could perceive a few tents
in the distance among the sand-hills. The
sand-bag batteries, and an ugly black parapet, with guns peering through
port-holes as if from a ship’s side, lay before us. Around them men were swarming like ants, and
a crowd in uniform were gathered on the beach to receive us as we landed from the
boat of the steamer, all eager for news, and provisions, and newspapers, of
which an immense flight immediately fell upon them. A guard with bayonets crossed in a very odd
sort of manner, prevented any unauthorised persons from landing. They wore the universal coarse gray jacket
and trousers, with worsted braid and yellow facings, uncouth caps, lead buttons
stamped with the palmetto-tree. Their
unbronzed firelocks were covered with rust.
The soldiers lounging about were mostly tall, well-grown men, young and old,
some with the air of gentlemen; others coarse, long-haired fellows, without any
semblance of military bearing, but full of fight, and burning with enthusiasm,
not unaided, in some instances, by coarser stimulus. The day was exceedingly warm and unpleasant, the
hot wind blew the fine white sand into our faces, and wafted it in minute
clouds inside eyelids, nostrils, and clothing; but it was necessary to visit
the batteries, so on we trudged into one and out of another, walked up parapets,
examined profiles, looked along guns, and did everything that could be required
of us. The result of the examination was
to establish in my mind the conviction, that if the commander of Sumter had
been allowed to open his guns on the island, the first time he saw an
indication of throwing up a battery against him, he could have saved his fort. Moultrie, in its original state, on the
opposite side, could have been readily demolished by Sumter. The design of the works was better than their
execution—the sand-bags were rotten, the sand not properly revetted or banked up,
and the traverses imperfectly constructed.
The barbette guns of the fort looked into many of the embrasures, and
commanded them. The whole of the island was full of life and
excitement. Officers were galloping
about as if on a field-day or in action.
Commissariat carts were toiling to and fro between the beach and the
camps, and sounds of laughter and revelling came from the tents. These were pitched without order, and were of
all shapes, hues, and sizes, many being disfigured by rude charcoal drawings
outside, and inscriptions such as “The Live Tigers,” “Rattlesnake’s-hole,” “Yankee
Smashers,” &c. The vicinity of the
camps was in an intolerable state, and on calling the attention of the medical officer
who was with me, to the danger arising from such a condition of things, he said
with a sigh, “I know it all. But we can
do nothing. Remember they’re all
volunteers, and do just as they please.” In every tent was hospitality, and a hearty
welcome to all comers. Cases of
champagne and claret, French pates, and the like, were piled outside the canvas
walls, when there was no room for them inside.
In the middle of these excited gatherings I felt like a man in the full
possession of his senses coming in late to a wine party. “Won’t you drink with me, sir, to
the—(something awful)—of Lincoln and all Yankees ?” “No! if
you'll be good enough to excuse me.” “Well,
I think you’re the only Englishman who won't.” “Our Carolinians are very fine fellows, but a
little given to the Bobadil style—hectoring after a cavalier fashion, which
they fondly believe to be theirs by hereditary right. They assume that the British crown rests on a
cotton bale, as the Lord Chancellor sits on a pack of wool. In one long tent there was a party of
roystering young men, opening claret, and mixing “cup” in large buckets; whilst
others were helping the servants to set out a table for a banquet to one of
their generals. Such heat,
tobacco-smoke, clamour, toasts, drinking, hand-shaking, vows of friendship! Many were the excuses made for the more
demonstrative of the Edonian youths by their friends. “Tom is a little cut, sir; but he’s a
splendid fellow—he’s worth half-a-million of dollars.” This reference to a money standard of value
was not unusual or perhaps unnatural, but it was made repeatedly; and I was
told wonderful tales of the riches of men who were lounging round, dressed as
privates, some of whom at that season, in years gone by, were looked for at the
watering places as the great lions of American fashion. But Secession is the fashion here. Young ladies sing for it; old ladies pray for
it; young men are dying to fight for it; old men are ready to demonstrate it. The founder of the school was St. Calhoun.
Here his pupils carry out their teaching in thunder and fire. States’ Rights are displayed after its
legitimate teaching, and the Palmetto flag and the red bars of the Confederacy
are its exposition. The utter contempt and
loathing for the venerated Stars and Stripes, the abhorrence of the very words
United States, the intense hatred of the Yankee on the part of these people,
cannot be conceived by anyone who has not seen them. I am more satisfied than ever that the Union
can never be restored as it was, and that it has gone to pieces, never to be
put together again, in the old shape, at all events by any power on earth. After a long and tiresome promenade in the
dust, heat, and fine sand, through the tents, our party returned to the beach, where
we took boat, and pushed off for Fort Sumter.
The Confederate flag rose above the walls. On near approach the marks of the shot
against the pain coupé, and the embrasures near the salient were visible
enough; but the damage done to the hard brickwork was trifling, except at the
angles: the edges of the parapets were ragged and pock-marked, and the quay
wall was rifted here and there by shot; but no injury of a kind to render the
work untenable could be made out. The
greatest damage inflicted was, no doubt, the burning of the barracks, which
were culpably erected inside the fort, close to the flank wall facing Cumming’s
Point. As the boat touched the quay of the fort, a
tall, powerful-looking man came through the shattered gateway, and with uneven
steps strode over the rubbish towards a skiff which was waiting to receive him,
and into which he jumped and rowed off. Recognising
one of my companions as he passed our boat he suddenly stood up, and with a
leap and a scramble tumbled in among us, to the imminent danger of upsetting
the party. Our new friend was dressed in
the blue frock coat of a civilian, round which he had tied a red silk sash—his waistbelt
supported a straight sword, something like those worn with Court dress. His muscular neck was surrounded with a
loosely-fastened silk handkerchief; and wild masses of black hair, tinged with
grey, fell from under a civilian’s hat over his collar; his unstrapped trousers
were gathered up high on his legs, displaying ample boots, garnished with formidable
brass spurs. But his face was one not to
be forgotten—a straight, broad brow, from which the hair rose up like the
vegetation on a river bank, beetling black eyebrows—a mouth coarse and grim,
yet full of power, a square jaw—a thick argumentative nose—a new growth of
scrubby beard and moustache—these were relieved by eyes of wonderful depth and
light, such as I never saw before but in the head of a wild beast. If you look some day when the sun is not too
bright into the eye of the Bengal tiger, in the Regent’s Park, as the keeper is
coming round, you will form some notion of the expression I mean. It was flashing, fierce, yet calm—with a well
of fire burning behind and spouting through it, an eye pitiless in anger, which
now and then sought to conceal its expression beneath half-closed lids, and
then burst out with an angry glare, as if disdaining concealment. This was none other than Louis T. Wigfall,
Colonel (then of his own creation) in the Confederate army, and Senator from
Texas in the United States—a good type of the men whom the institutions of the
country produce or throw off—a remarkable man, noted for his ready, natural
eloquence; his exceeding ability as a quick, bitter debater; the acerbity of
his taunts; and his readiness for personal encounter. To the last he stood in his place in the
Senate at Washington, when nearly every other Southern man had seceded, lashing
with a venomous and instant tongue, and covering with insults, ridicule, and
abuse, such men as Mr. Chandler, of
Michigan, and other Republicans; never missing a sitting of the House, and
seeking out adversaries in the bar rooms or the gambling tables. The other day, when the fire against Sumter
was at its height, and the fort, in flames, was reduced almost to silence, a
small boat put off from the shore, and steered through the shot and the
splashing waters right for the walls. It
bore the colonel and a negro oarsman. Holding
up a white handkerchief on the end of his sword, Wigfall landed on the quay,
clambered through an embrasure, and presented himself before the astonished
Federals with a proposal to surrender, quite unauthorised, and “on his own
hook,” which led to the final capitulation of Major Anderson. I am sorry to say, our distinguished friend
had just been paying his respects sans bornes to Bacchus or Bourbon, for
he was decidedly unsteady in his gait and thick in speech; but his head was
quite clear, and he was determined I should know all about his exploit. Major Whiting desired to show me round the
work, but he had no chance. “Here is
where I got in,” quoth Colonel Wigfall. “I
found a Yankee standing here by the traverse, out of the way of our shot. He was pretty well scared when he saw me, but
I told him not to be alarmed, but to take me to the officers. There they were, huddled up in that corner
behind the brickwork, for our shells were tumbling into the yard, and bursting
like,”— &c. (The Colonel used strong
illustrations and strange expletives in narrative.) Major Whiting shook his
military head, and said something uncivil to me, in private, in reference to
volunteer colonels and the like, which gave him relief; whilst the martial
Senator—I forgot to say that he has the name, particularly in the North, of
having killed more than half a dozen men in duels—(I had an escape of being
another)—conducted me through the casemates with uneven steps, stopping at
every traverse to expatiate on some phase of his personal experiences, with his
sword dangling between his legs, and spurs involved in rubbish and soldiers’
blankets. In my letter I described the real extent of
the damage inflicted, and the state of the fort as I found it. At first the batteries thrown up by the
Carolinians were so poor, that the United States’ officers in the fort were
mightily amused at them, and anticipated easy work in enfilading, ricocheting,
and battering them to pieces, if they ever dared to open fire. One morning, however, Capt. Foster, to whom really belongs the credit of
putting Sumter into a tolerable condition of defence with the most limited
means, was unpleasantly surprised by seeing through his glass a new work in the
best possible situation for attacking the place, growing up under the strenuous
labours of a band of negroes. “I knew at
once,” he said, “the rascals had got an engineer at last.” In fact, the
Carolinians were actually talking of an escalade when the officers of the
regular army, who had “seceded” came down and took the direction of affairs,
which otherwise might have had very different results. There was a working party of Volunteers
clearing away the rubbish in the place. It
was evident they were not accustomed to labour.
And on asking why negroes were not employed, I was informed: “The
niggers would blow us all up, they're so stupid; and the State would have to
pay the owners for any of them who were killed and injured.” “In one respect, then, white men are not so valuable
as negroes?” “Yes, sir,—that's a fact.” Very few shell craters were visible in the
terreplein; the military mischief, such as it was, showed most conspicuously on
the parapet platforms, over which shells had been burst as heavily as could be,
to prevent the manning of the barbette guns.
A very small affair, indeed, that shelling of Fort Sumter. And yet who can tell what may arise from it? “Well, sir,” exclaimed one of my companions, “I
thank God for it, if it’s only because we are beginning to have a history for
Europe. The universal Yankee nation swallowed
us up.” Never did men plunge into unknown depth of peril
and trouble more recklessly than these Carolinians. They fling themselves against the grim, black
future, as the cavaliers under Rupert may have rushed against the grim, black
Ironsides. Will they carry the image
farther? Well! The exploration of Sumter was finished at
last, not till we had visited the officers of the garrison, who lived in a
windowless, shattered room, reached by a crumbling staircase, and who produced
whiskey and crackers, many pleasant stories and boundless welcome. One young fellow grumbled about pay. He said: “I have not received a cent, since I
came to Charleston for this business.” But Major Whiting, some days afterwards, told
me he had not got a dollar on account of his pay, though on leaving the United States’
army he had abandoned nearly all his means of subsistence. These gentlemen were quite satisfied it would
all be right eventually; and no one questioned the power or inclination of the
Government, which had just been inaugurated under such strange auspices, to
perpetuate its principles and reward its servants. After a time our party went down to the boats,
in which we were rowed to the steamer that lay waiting for us at Morris’ Island. The original intention of the officers was to
carry us over to Fort Moultrie, on the opposite side of the Channel, and to
examine it and the floating iron battery; but it was too late to do so when we
got off, and the steamer only ran across and swept around homewards by the
other shore. Below, in the cabin, there
was spread a lunch or quasi dinner; and the party of Senators, past and
present, aides-decamp, journalists, and flaneurs, were not indisposed to join
it. For me there was only one
circumstance which marred the pleasure of that agreeable reunion. Colonel and Senator Wigfall, who had not
sobered himself by drinking deeply, in the plenitude of his exultation alluded to
the assault on Senator Sumner as a type of the manner in which the Southerners
would deal with the Northerners generally, and cited it as a good
exemplification of the fashion in which they would bear their “whipping.” Thence, by a natural digression, he adverted
to the inevitable consequences of the magnificent outburst of Southern
indignation against the Yankees on all the nations of the world, and to the
immediate action of England in the matter as soon as the news came. Suddenly reverting to Mr. Sumner, whose name he loaded with obloquy, he
spoke of Lord Lyons in terms so coarse, that, forgetting the condition of the
speaker, I resented the language applied to the English Minister, in a very
unmistakeable manner; and then rose and left the cabin. In a moment I was followed on deck by Senator
Wigfall; his manner much calmer, his hair brushed back, his eye sparkling. There was nothing left to be desired in his
apologies, which were repeated and energetic.
We were joined by Mr. Manning,
Major Whiting, and Senator Chesnut, and others, to whom I expressed my complete
contentment with Mr. Wigfall’s explanations.
And so we returned to Charleston.
The Colonel and Senator, however, did not desist from his attentions to
the good—or bad—things below. It was a
strange scene—these men, hot and red-handed in rebellion, with their lives on
the cast, trifling and jesting, and carousing as if they had no care on
earth—all excepting the gentlemen of the local press, who were assiduous in
note and food taking. It was near
nightfall before we set foot on the quay of Charleston. The city was indicated by the blaze of
lights, and by the continual roll of drums, and the noisy music, and the
yelling cheers which rose above its streets.
As I walked towards the hotel, the evening drove of negroes, male and
female, shuffling through the streets in all haste, in order to escape the
patrol and the last peal of the curfew bell, swept by me; and as I passed the
guardhouse of the police, one of my friends pointed out the armed sentries
pacing up and down before the porch, and the gleam of arms in the room inside. Further on, a squad of mounted horsemen,
heavily armed, turned up a bye-street, and with jingling spurs and sabres
disappeared in the dust and darkness. That
is the horse patrol. They scour the
country around the city, and meet at certain places during the night to see if
the niggers are all quiet. Ah, Fuscus!
these are signs of trouble. "Integer vitæ,
scelerisque purus Non eget Mauri
jaculis neque arcu, Nec venenatis gravidâ
sagittis, Fusee, pharetra.” But Fuscus is going to his club; a kindly,
pleasant, chatty, card-playing, cocktail-consuming place. He nods proudly to an old white-woolled negro
steward or head-waiter—a slave—as a proof which I cannot accept, with the
curfew tolling in my ears, of the excellencies of the domestic institution. The club was filled with officers; one of
them, Mr. Ransome Calhoun,* asked me what was the object which most struck me
at Morris’ Island; I tell him—as was indeed the case—that it was a letter
copying-machine, a case of official stationery, and a box of Red Tape, lying on
the beach, just landed and ready to grow with the strength of the young
independence. But listen! There is a great tumult, as of many voices
coming up the street, heralded by blasts of music. It is a speech-making from the front of the
hotel. Such an agitated, lively
multitude! How they cheer the pale,
frantic man, limber and dark-haired, with uplifted arms and clenched fists, who
is perorating on the balcony! “What did
he say ?” “Who is he?” “Why it’s he again!” “That’s Roger Pryor—he says that if them
Yankee trash don't listen to reason, and stand from under, we’ll march to the
North and dictate the terms of peace in Faneuil Hall! Yes, sir—and so we will, certa-i-n su-re!” “No matter, for all that; we have shown we
can whip the Yankees whenever we meet them—at Washington or down here.” How much I heard of all this to-day—how much
more this evening! The hotel as noisy as
ever—more men in uniform arriving every few minutes, and the hall and passages crowded
with tall, good-looking Carolinians. * Since killed in a duel by Mr. Rhelt. |
Back to Civil War Chronologies (Main page) Back to Chronology of the Fort Sumter Crisis Source: My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, by William Howard Russell, pp. 146--161. Date added to website: January 10, 2025. |